ࡱ>  vxqrstuV` 3bjbj M(G5.$4XHXHXHhH|JJn\LN4OOOOjaS]T$h $nOO$n$nOOvvv$n,OOv$nvv._HOPL @ꥥw6XHPp@40J4bt)lT[v`d9 TTTRvjTTTJ$n$n$n$nDAXHXH  Corporate Fraud and the Impact of Sarbanes-Oxley Brian Olin May 9, 2005 Table of Contents  TOC \f 1. Introduction  PAGEREF _Toc103396186 \h 2 2. Background  PAGEREF _Toc103396187 \h 4 2.1 The Need for Corporate Governance  PAGEREF _Toc103396188 \h 4 2.2 The U.S. Approach  PAGEREF _Toc103396189 \h 7 2.2.1 Free Market  PAGEREF _Toc103396190 \h 8 2.2.2 Directors  PAGEREF _Toc103396191 \h 9 2.2.3 Disclosure  PAGEREF _Toc103396192 \h 10 2.2.4 Management Compensation  PAGEREF _Toc103396193 \h 12 2.2.5 How it Should Work  PAGEREF _Toc103396194 \h 14 3. How Corporate Governance Was Abused And Why  PAGEREF _Toc103396195 \h 14 3.1 What Happened at Enron and WorldCom  PAGEREF _Toc103396196 \h 15 3.1.1 Enron  PAGEREF _Toc103396197 \h 15 3.1.2 WorldCom  PAGEREF _Toc103396198 \h 17 3.2 Why They Did It  PAGEREF _Toc103396199 \h 18 3.2.1 Short-Term Problem  PAGEREF _Toc103396200 \h 18 3.2.2 Pressure to Grow  PAGEREF _Toc103396201 \h 19 3.2.3 Protect Their Wealth  PAGEREF _Toc103396202 \h 20 3.3 Why They Thought They Could Get Away With It  PAGEREF _Toc103396203 \h 21 3.3.1 The Board of Directors  PAGEREF _Toc103396204 \h 21 3.3.2 Auditors  PAGEREF _Toc103396205 \h 23 3.3.3 Disclosure  PAGEREF _Toc103396206 \h 24 3.3.4 Low Occurrence of Past Scandals and Mild Consequences  PAGEREF _Toc103396207 \h 25 4. The Decision to Commit Fraud  PAGEREF _Toc103396208 \h 27 4.1 Pre-SOA Model  PAGEREF _Toc103396209 \h 28 4.2 The Sarbanes-Oxley Act  PAGEREF _Toc103396210 \h 30 4.3 Post-SOA Model  PAGEREF _Toc103396211 \h 32 5. Conclusion  PAGEREF _Toc103396212 \h 34 6. References  PAGEREF _Toc103396213 \h 36 Appendix A  PAGEREF _Toc103396214 \h 38 Appendix B  PAGEREF _Toc103396215 \h 39  1. Introduction TC "1. Introduction" \f C \l "1"  It was one of the worlds most admired companies, with a market capitalization of $80 billion. Today, its in bankruptcy (Berardino 2001). The company is Enron, which filed for chapter 11 bankruptcy in December of 2001 (Hirsch 2001). Enron was the seventh-largest U.S public company with $100 billion in revenue in 2000. When Enron filed for bankruptcy, it reported $13.15 billion in debt, as well as $31.24 billion in debt when its subsidiaries were accounted for (Sender 2001). Most of this debt had been hidden from investors through complex accounting techniques. Enron was viewed as a company that always made its numbers (Norris 2001). However, it is clear that investors did not really understand how it was making its numbers. As new information has been revealed, it has become clear that the company became over leveraged and was able to hide its debt with the help of its external auditing firm Arthur Andersen. Enron used sophisticated financing vehicles known as Special Purpose Entities (SPEs) and other off-balance sheet structures to hide its debt from investors (Berardino 2001). Enron was able to increase its leverage (debt to assets) without having to report that debt on the balance sheet. However, the debt eventually caught up to the company and it could no longer pay its bills, causing it to file for bankruptcy. Enrons bankruptcy has had far reaching consequences throughout the globe. Investors lost billions of dollars as Enrons stock plunged. Enron employees alone lost approximately $1 billion worth of savings (Brennan 2003). Stockholders were basically out of luck in the bankruptcy proceedings and looked to lose everything they invested in Enron. As new corporate governance scandals have emerged, such as WorldCom and Adelphia, the need to examine corporate governance has amplified. But what is corporate governance? In the United States, Corporate Governance most often is referred to as how to ensure the managers follow the interests of shareholders (Vives 2000). As Vives points out, this can more generally be thought of as ensuring that investors get a return on their money (2000). It is assumed then, that what is in the best interest of shareholders is for them to get a return on their money. Since people most often choose to buy stock because of the potential for the stock price to increase, it follows that managers acting in the best interest of the shareholders would try to maximize the companys stock price. The stock market generally reflects future expectations of profitability; a decision in the present will affect the stock price by how the market views the future effects of the decision. Thus, by making decisions that help the long-run health of the company, the present stock price will increase. Because of this relationship, the objective of managers should be to maximize long-term shareholder value (Sternberg 2004). Managers then act in the best interest of shareholders by maximizing the companys long-term value through improving the stock price. However a moral hazard problem occurs in making sure that managers put forth appropriate effort and make decisions aligned with the interests of shareholders (Vives 2000). Specifically, shareholders worry that managers may overpay themselves, give themselves extravagant perks, carry out unprofitable but power-enhancing investments, and be reluctant to lay off workers that are no longer productive (Hart 1995). In this sense, managers may make decisions based on their own interests. The moral hazard problem is then that managers may deceive investors to pursue their own goals. Since management may not always act in the best interests of shareholders, throughout the following discussion corporate governance (CG) will refer to ensuring that managers act in the best interest of shareholders. In recent years corporate governance has faltered, most notably in the Enron and WorldCom scandals. This paper will demonstrate that the structure of U.S. corporate governance before the Sarbanes-Oxley Act did not effectively solve the moral hazard problem, and that the Sarbanes-Oxley Act (SOA) alters the system enough to be effective in reducing corporate fraud in the short-run. But to create a long-run solution to corporate fraud, the financial disclosure laws need to change. Before Sarbanes-Oxley, the U.S. model had often been effective, but there were still flaws. In section two, the background of corporate governance and the U.S. approach is discussed. Then by examining the problems present in both the Enron and WorldCom scandals in section three, it will be clear that management had the motive and ability to commit corporate fraud, namely to hide problems from investors. In section four, the motives for committing fraud, as well as the perceived probability and consequences if the fraud were discovered will be illustrated in a general model which will examine a managers decision to commit fraud. Section four also examines how the Sarbanes-Oxley Act, passed by the U.S. Congress, alters the structure of U.S. corporate governance so as to be successful in reducing the occurrence of corporate fraud in the short-run. 2. Background TC "2. Background" \f C \l "1"  2.1 The Need for Corporate Governance TC "2.1 The Need for Corporate Governance" \f C \l "2"  How are managers and shareholders connected? Exactly what are managers supposed to do with the corporation they manage? In the modern corporation, managers are supposed to act in the best interests of those shareholders (Allen 1998). Even assuming that management is responsible to act only in the best interest of shareholders, what exactly is in the best interest for shareholders? Since managers are supposed to maximize shareholder value by improving the stock price, this brings about the questions how should the managers go about maximizing value? The question comes down to whether managers look at the measured outcome or at the economic outcome (Lowenstein 1996). There is much weight to this fine distinction. The economic outcome would be looking at long-term financial growth, so if management is managing for the economically better outcome, then all efforts will be put toward improving financial performance. However, the measured outcome is looking at meeting financial analysts forecasts of key financial numbers. If they look to manage the measured outcome, then management may make decisions in the interest of making the numbers look better. In addition, if they look at the measured outcome then management has the incentive to manipulate the numbers to hit targets if the company will likely not hit the numbers legally. This is because Wall Street tends to react very negatively to companies not reaching expectations. For example, when Costco Wholesales earnings increased but missed Wall Streets expected earning per share by 1 cent per share, its stock price dropped $1.69 (3.6%) in one day (Costco 2005). Due to the drastic impact of missing expected numbers, it seems that management has the incentive to focus on the measured outcome rather than the economic outcome. One possible problem from this is that it prevents forward thinking decisions that promote long-run economic growth of the company. On this same point, if the company has a bad quarter, management might feel pressure to readjust or falsify numbers to hit short-term targets if they feel the company will rebound. While the goal is to maximize shareholder value, how can shareholders ensure that the managers are in fact working to maximize value for them? In reality it is extremely hard to know due to the structure of the system. Berle and Means (1933) made famous the phrase there is a separation of ownership and control (Hart 1995). They mean that the owners of the corporation (the shareholders) do not have any control over the day-to-day operations of the corporation. This separation of ownership and control has established an asymmetric information problem within corporations. As Vives points out, the contract between the shareholders and the managers leaves the managers with much discretion because the managers have the knowledge and the ability to run the company. This leads to the moral hazard problem that managers may act in their own interests instead of in shareholders interests. The moral hazard problem causes shareholders to seek some other assurance that management is following through on its commitment. If shareholders are in fact seeking assurance that management is acting in their best interest, then the concerned shareholder should have the incentive to monitor the corporation themselves. However, Hart believes that monitoring is a public good, saying that if one shareholders monitoring leads to improved company performance, all shareholders benefit (Hart 1995). The idea is that all shareholders will look to the other shareholders to do the monitoring for them. In this case, no one investor has the incentive to monitor because any benefits they receive will be received by all investors, regardless of whether they invest in monitoring themselves. This is a free-rider problem for monitoring among some shareholders; resulting in none of those shareholders choosing to monitor their companies. In addition, the lack of information that shareholders have about performance is an impediment to enforcing accountability. Shareholders have only the information presented in the financial statements and the shareholders generally do not have the tools to make those statements useful in monitoring. Since there is a moral hazard problem that managers will pursue their own interests instead of the shareholders, some argue that there is a need for checks and balances on managerial behavior. Thus the concept of corporate governance arose. Corporate governance was first established to combat the moral hazard issue of ensuring that managers act in the best interest of shareholders that arises as a result of the structure of corporations and the market in which they exist. 2.2 The U.S. Approach TC "2.2 The U.S. Approach" \f C \l "2"  In 1932 Berle and Means suggested that the modern corporation was run by professional managers who were unaccountable to dispersed shareholders (Vives 2000). Many believe that managers were supposed to act in the best interest of shareholders; however managers and shareholders responsibilities are significantly separated. Managers have the task of making the company run well, and shareholders have little influence over how the company is run. Shareholders are then faced with the problem of ensuring that managers act in their best interests. As discussed earlier there is a moral hazard problem of getting managers to act in the best interests of shareholders. Since ensuring that managers act in the best interest of shareholder is generally not taken on by shareholders, the U.S. has adopted a corporate governance system to help solve this problem. The U.S. has adopted an Anglo-American view of corporate governance, which uses a mix of a free market approach, structured compensation, and government intervention to ensure that managers act in the best interest of shareholders. In essence, the U.S. uses the free market approach, but adds on additional mechanisms to compensate for the inherent problems in the system. It relies on the threat of hostile takeovers as an external control, while institutions such as the board of directors and the disclosure laws represent an internal control for the corporation and management compensation aligns management and shareholder interests. 2.2.1 Free Market TC "2.2.1 Free Market" \f C \l "3"  The free market argument is that a market economy can achieve efficient corporate governance without government intervention. This argument rests on the idea that the companys founders have an incentive to choose an efficient corporate governance structure, that is, one that maximizes the aggregate return to all claimholders, at the time the company goes public (Hart 1995). The reasoning is that since they sell their shares in a competitive market, they should receive the net present value of the return on all the shares. Therefore, the company owners should have the incentive to choose corporate governance rules that would maximize this value. Under this argument, there is no need for government intervention because it would be counterproductive. Hart argues that that government intervention in corporate governance limits the founders ability to tailor corporate governance to their own individual circumstances (1995). Also, that government intervention is inefficient in the market for corporate governance. This argument also states that hostile takeovers are a powerful way of monitoring companies (Hart 1995). This is because hostile takeovers allow someone to capitalize on an underperforming company. If the person buys the company and replaces the management then they should be able to reap the benefits. The idea is that the possibility of hostile takeovers gives management the incentive to make the company operate at the best of its abilities, otherwise someone would buy it and replace the management. Criticisms of this approach are that the takeover strategy relies on the ability of potential buyers of the takeover target to have accurate information about the finances of the company. If they cannot tell that the company is underperforming then this cannot be enforced. In addition, this theory relies on the effectiveness of new owners to change the conduct of directors and of the firm (Sternberg 2004). The U.S. relies on free market forces to give the founders an incentive to select the best method of corporate governance for their particular company as well as give managers the incentive to manage the company to operate at high performance to prevent corporate takeovers. 2.2.2 Directors TC "2.2.2 Directors" \f C \l "3"  Through the board of directors, the shareholders are able to have a small group represent their best interests. Typically, shareholders are able to exercise control of company affairs through the board of directors. Management, the board of directors, and shareholders are strictly related. Shareholders elect the board to act on their behalf, and the board in turn monitors top management and ratifies major decisions. Through this relationship, the structure should be in place for shareholders to have the assurance that management is acting in their best interests. However, critics debated whether directors are in fact doing a good job, or even if they have the ability to do a good job. The role of the directors is crucial to Anglo-American corporate governance. The directors represent an internal control, whose roles stem from the legal structure of a corporation. They include: setting strategy, appointing management, evaluating management performance, reporting management performance to shareholders (Klipper 1998); the role of the directors is to make sure management is doing a good job for the shareholders. If directors do a good job, in theory this should help solve the problem that monitoring is a public good because if the managers dont do a good job the directors will fire them. Also, the monitoring of the board of directors should ideally give managers the incentive to do good work, just like a boss. In the U.S. some of the directors are members of the firms management and others are nonexecutive directors (outsiders). In theory the outsiders should be independent; however it has been argued that many directors have a conflict of interest. For example, some directors have their own financial interest in the company. Since these directors want to see the company hit its targets so they can keep their own wealth, it gives them little incentive to point out problems in the short-run. In addition, because the nonexecutive directors are often proposed by the management team, some directors feel that they owe their positions on the board to the management team. A position on the board is very prestigious and can pay fairly well. As a result, the directors may feel obligated to allow management to do as they please; leaving the company without true monitoring (Hart 1996). Lastly, some believe that even if directors are independent, they do not have the information to do their job correctly. The information that directors receive comes directly from corporate executives; meaning directors have limited access to independent information (Sternberg 2004). In this way, it has been said that directors do not even have the tools to make the right decision. 2.2.3 Disclosure TC "2.2.3 Disclosure" \f C \l "3"  Periodically, directors must report about the condition of their companies to the shareholders. Most commonly, this is done through the annual and quarterly reports. These reports give a financial picture of the corporation at that time as well as over a period of time. This is arguably the fundamental financial mechanism for corporate governance. Before being released, an accounting firm is required by law to audit the financial statements. The goal of this audit is to check whether the reports have been compiled is such a way as to give a true and fair picture of the company (Sternberg 2004). These reports should in theory provide a measure of accountability and monitoring. Ideally the annual report should give shareholders the ability to evaluate company performance (Lowenstein 1996). Through the disclosure requirements, shareholders should have the ability to check up and make sure management is working in their best interests. The reporting of the financial numbers should also give managers the incentive to keep the company performing well. The incentive lies in the fact that managers are supposed to maximize shareholder value and that is most notably done through the stock price. Since the stock price would be negatively affected by poor performance this should give management the incentive to report good numbers (ideally because of good performance). Disclosure also helps to combat the asymmetric information problem inherent in the system. By requiring reporting it should ideally take the burden off of shareholders to acquire the information. Thus, shareholders would have complete information if everything worked correctly. In addition, this helps fuel the market for takeovers because it gives potential buyers a better ability to evaluate the quality of the companies. Lastly, these reports operate as a signal to the market. Since they are approved by an accounting firm they have been very well trusted. Strong financial statements generally indicate a high probability that a company was in good health, giving companies a way to ward off hostile takeovers and attract investors. While the financial reports sound great in theory, there have been some serious criticisms of their effectiveness. First, the accounting firms that audit the financial statements have, in the past, played the dual role of consultants for the companies which they audit; which brings in significant sums of money. This creates the problem that the accounting firm is really auditing its own work and is financial tied to the company. Together this creates a disincentive for the accounting firm to report problems. In addition, the accounting rules are incredibly complex and therefore allows for a level of interpretation. In the current accounting system, revenue is recognized when it is earned rather than when the cash is received (an accrual basis). Accrual accounting allows for a great deal of flexibility and judgment in the timing of income and expense recognition (Lowenstein 1996). This leeway provided in the accounting system, has given intelligent management the ability to play around with the numbers to get them to work out to their advantage or even disguise illegal accounting (Holland 1999). Because of managements ability to play with the numbers, some believe that management just molds the statements to meet the numbers that were predicted earlier by analysts. There is also a feeling among some that the financial statements do not include enough information to get a good picture of the companys performance. 2.2.4 Management Compensation TC "2.2.4 Management Compensation" \f C \l "3"  An additional mechanism for ensuring that managers act in the best interests of shareholders is to tie their interests together. The most common way to accomplish this is by structuring management compensation appropriately. If management is supposed to maximize shareholders value, then management should have personal incentives to do so. This can be done by tying management compensation to the companys share price. The theory is that if managements personal wealth is tied to the share price of the company, then management will have the incentive for increased effort to make the company do well, thus aligning management interests with those of the shareholders (Allen 1998). This generally takes three different forms: direct ownership of shares, stock options, or bonuses dependent on share price. The most common method used today is that of stock options. Stock options are financial instruments that give the bearer the right to buy or sell the stock at a specified price (most corporate stock options just give the bearer the right to buy though). Often these stock options have some time till maturity, or a vesting period, meaning that once they are issued it takes a certain amount of time for the bearer to use them. A stock option works like this: someone might own an option for General Electric for 10,000 shares at $26 which became fully vested in 2004 (they now have the right to use the option). On March 21, 2005, GEs stock price was $36. If this person exercised the stock option on this date they would have bought 10,000 shares at $26 and sold them into the market at $36. As a result, this person would have made $10 per share, or $100,000. Stock options become useful only if the stock price continues to rise; if the stock price was below the price on the option then it would not be profitable to exercise the option. Because corporate stock options are only valuable if the stock price rises, then this should ideally give the owners of these options the incentive to want the stock price to continue to rise. If management owns these options it should then align their interests with those of the shareholders. However, there has been much discussion about whether stock options truly provide the correct incentives for managers. Paul Marsh suggests that managers tend to evaluate projects based on the short-term profits that typically determine their own remuneration (Sternberg 2004). The issue is that managers may make decisions, not for long-term financial growth, but to increase their own wealth. While it seems that this might benefit shareholders, these short-term decisions can often have negative affects in the future and are not necessarily good for shareholders. In addition, since managers have more information about company performance than do shareholders, there is a fear that management will abuse their power to make themselves wealthier at the cost of long-term financial stability. Specifically, that managers may negotiate for themselves such contracts when they know earnings or stock price are likely to rise, even manipulate accounting numbers and investment policy to increase their pay (Shleifer 1997). Shleifer suggests that options are less of an incentive device and more of a mechanism of self-dealing. Lastly, tying compensation to stock performance may also give managers the incentive to cheat the numbers to keep the stock price high since the stock price is so directly tied to the measured outcome/numbers. 2.2.5 How it Should Work TC "2.2.5 How it Should Work" \f C \l "3"  In theory, the U.S. approach should combat the moral hazard problem by balancing both internal and external controls. The market for corporate control (i.e. hostile takeovers) gives management the incentive to keep performance high to prevent getting replaced. In addition, the board of directors and financial disclosure provide a level of internal accountability. Disclosure also helps solve the asymmetric information problem and should allow shareholders to passively monitor the performance of their companies. Lastly, management compensation should align managements interests with those of shareholders. Overall, monitoring through the board, the threat of corporate takeover, the structure of compensation and reaction of the stock market should ideally give managers the incentive to make the company perform well. 3. How Corporate Governance Was Abused And Why TC "3. How Corporate Governance Was Abused And Why" \f C \l "1"  In the cases of Enron and WorldCom, management did not ultimately act in the best interests of shareholders. Instead they were focused on fixing short-term problems, market reactions and protecting their personal wealth. Enron and WorldCom executives abused corporate governance by exploiting the financial disclosure laws as well as conflicts of interests with both the board of directors and the financial auditors. Executives at these companies did not act in the best interests of shareholders because they did not focus on maximizing long-term shareholder value. 3.1 What Happened at Enron and WorldCom TC "3.1 What Happened at Enron and WorldCom" \f C \l "2"  3.1.1 Enron TC "3.1.1 Enron" \f C \l "3"  Enron was created in 1985 by the merger of Houston Natural Gas and InterNorth, giving birth to the first nationwide gas pipeline system. In 1986, Ken Lay was named the CEO of the new corporation and led the company into the business of leveraging its size to buy gas and resell it to smaller buyers. In this time Enrons revenues grew to $101 billion. Over this time Enron not only produced and distributed energy but also traded in commodities such as wood fiber, steel, and others (Jenkins 2003). However, during this time Enron used very aggressive accounting which ultimately was designed to deceive investors. On August 15, 2001, Sherron Watkins, an employee working for the CFO Andy Fastow, wrote a letter to Ken Lay concerned about Enrons accounting treatment of recent deals. As a result an investigation was conducted, but on the decision of Lay and James Derrick, Enrons General Council, the investigation was limited such that it did not include the investigation of specific transactions or accounting advice from Enrons auditor Arthur Andersen (Jenkins 2003). The conclusion of this investigation was that there were not problems and that that no further investigation was needed. However, Enrons aggressive accounting was clearly designed to deceive investors, as Sherron Watkins wrote in her letter by hiding losses in a related company with the intent of later compensating this company with Enron stock (Jenkins 2003). Enron was losing money on some of its transactions and tried to hide them in the short-run, with the intent of later covering those losses with stock. Enrons act of hiding some losses shows that it viewed this as a problem that could be fixed as long as it was kept from shareholders. These transactions included a joint venture with California Public Employees Retirement System (CalPERS) called JEDI, creation of the LJM Partnerships, and hedging transactions involving special purpose entities (SPEs). As Jenkins (2003) describes, JEDI was a joint venture where Enron only had to record its initial investment on its financial statements, even though it had significant interest. The LJM Partnerships were part of an effort to manage the companys earnings. However, they were described to the board of directors as relatively benign vehicles Enron could use to hedge some of its investments. SPEs are usually used to attract investors that want to invest in only a specific project rather than the whole company and are not required to be consolidated on the companys financial statements if it met certain requirements. These are just a few of the ventures in which Enron was involved. The actually structure was incredibly complex (see Appendix A). The numerous transactions helped Enron reshuffle debt, bolster stated profits, and financially reward executives (Brennan 2003). Enron even was helped by its auditing firm, Arthur Anderson, which was later accused of shredding documents. Everything came to a halt in the third quarter of 2001, when Enron began to expense some of its problematic transactions. Enron first recorded losses from transactions with some LJM Partnerships, then later restated its financial statements from 1997 to 2000 and the first two quarters of 2001. The restatements represented a reduction in earnings of 91% in 1997, 16% in 1998, 28% in 1999, and 13% in 2000. This new disclosure caused a proverbial run on the bank, where everyone pulled their money out and drove Enron into bankruptcy (Jenkins 2003). By deceiving investors and making bad decisions, Enron executives did not act in the best interests of shareholders. In particular, they did not focus on maximizing long-term shareholders value. 3.1.2 WorldCom TC "3.1.2 WorldCom" \f C \l "3"  In 1985, Bernie Ebbers took control of a small southern company named LDDS that was in debt. Ebbers began an acquisition strategy in which the company acquired small long-distance companies with limited geographic service areas and in six months the company was profitable again. As LDDS grew, it required more buying power, so it turned to the public market for more funding. By going public in 1989, LDDS was able to gain significant capital from the sale of shares of the company. In 1995, Ebbers renamed the company WorldCom. In the late 90s, WorldCom had revenues of more than $30 billion, was the largest internet provider in the world, and was a major provider of network services for the United States Government (Zekany 2004). CEO Bernie Ebbers and CFO Scott Sullivan led WorldCom with a growth through acquisition strategy, with 65 acquisitions in six years. However, WorldCom struggled to integrate many of the acquisitions and as a result, many did not do very well. In order to make it appear that profits were in fact increasing, WorldCom used a liberal interpretation of accounting rules (Moberg 2003). For example, the company would write down assets it acquired, while charging them against future earnings. This resulted in bigger losses in the quarter, but smaller losses in the future, effectively painting a picture of improved profitability (Moberg 2003). WorldCom also performed other accounting tricks to reduce annual expenses while still acknowledging revenue, artificially boosting profits. Eventually, these problems caught up with WorldCom as it could no longer hide the huge costs it had incurred in the troublesome acquisitions. In July 2002, WorldCom filed for bankruptcy protection, admitting to a total of $9 billion in adjustments for the period from 1999 through the first quarter of 2002 (Moberg 2003). By hiding their problems from investors and focusing on the numbers, WorldCom executives did not focus on maximizing long-term shareholder value. 3.2 Why They Did It TC "3.2 Why They Did It" \f C \l "2"  3.2.1 Short-Term Problem TC "3.2.1 Short-Term Problem" \f C \l "3"  For both Enron and WorldCom, the problems they faced were not viewed as long-term issues, but rather problems created by economic slowdown. For WorldCom, the telecom industry was faced with overcapacity and unrealized demand, which led carriers to lower prices, straining revenue projections (Mehta 2002). As a result, WorldCom had trouble making its numbers, leading executives to look for quick fixes. Ebbers believed WorldCom would recover from these problems. This is evident in the fact that he only sold company shares six times in his whole career. In addition, he even borrowed against his stock, a course of action only smart if you believe the stock price will go up (Moberg 2003). Ebbers actions indicate that he believed WorldCom stock was not in trouble and would continue to rise. For example, he asked another executive about those one-time events that had to happen in order for us to have a chance to make our numbers, showing that he viewed the problems as short term (Bray 2005). He believed that if he could just smooth out the numbers for a bit, the company would rebound. For Enron, the problem was with some if its related party transactions, like the LJM Partnerships. They were in trouble, but Enron still needed to keep the face it turned to the world and to its employees rosy and forward looking in order to prevent any negative affect on the stock price (Swartz 2003). The company made some bad investments, but did not want those decisions to negatively affect its stock. As a result, they had the incentive to deceive investors. The executives at both Enron and WorldCom at first did not view their problems as long-term. Rather, they believed that over time they would be fixed. However, the executives did not want to take the hit to their stock price that revealing their issues would cause. Since it was viewed as a short-term problem, the executives believed that a few small deceptions would allow them to smooth out earnings and keep their stock price stable. However, the problems did not correct themselves and the executives were caught in a black hole where admitting the problems also meant admitting their illegal actions, so they continued to commit fraud. 3.2.2 Pressure to Grow TC "3.2.2 Pressure to Grow" \f C \l "3"  Wall Street makes estimates of earnings growth for most publicly traded companies and bases the stock valuations on those numbers. If those numbers are not hit, the stock price generally loses significant value. In addition, continuing to hit numbers signals to the market that the company is in strong financial health and will enjoy long-term growth; thus making it a good investment. The stock price is related to the measured outcome, which places significant pressure on companies to hit numbers in order to keep the stock price high. This pressure to grow at Wall Streets expectations drove Enron and WorldCom executives to drastic measures. Since it was believed that Enron was a great company that would continue to have long-term growth, it was pressured to always meet its numbers in order to keep its stock price up. At WorldCom the culture was even relevant internally, where the pressure for revenue was so intense that there was little incentive for anyone to put a stop to other questionable practices. If anyone did, he or she would miss quotas and lose commissions (Krim 2002). In the former U.S. attorney general Richard Thornburghs report on the WorldCom scandal he said that managements main goal was to meet analysts expectations as to earnings and stock price (Stern 2002). WorldCom was under great pressure to meet Wall Streets expectations. The pressure to live up to the expectations that Wall Street had set gave Enron and WorldCom management the motive to commit fraud. In order to meet its expectations, Enron and WorldCom executives found it in their best interest to rework the books in order to help meet Wall Streets profit expectations (Morse 2005). The pressure to grow was so great that even when they viewed the company in short-term problems they had the incentive to falsify numbers to meet expectations. The pressure to grow at market expectations led Enron and WorldCom executives to commit fraud. 3.2.3 Protect Their Wealth TC "3.2.3 Protect Their Wealth" \f C \l "3"  The incentive to meet numbers and keep the stock price high was not just to keep shareholders happy, but also to protect the executives wealth. The position as a company executive can be extremely high paying, both in salary and in stock and stock options. Though they had already amassed large wealth, much of it was tied to their companies. If the stock dropped they could possibly lose everything they had worked for. To conceal their bad performance and to protect their wealth, company executives had the incentive to deceive investors. Much of Bernie Ebbers wealth was tied to WorldCom stock in the form of options and shares. In addition, he had significant outside investments that were guaranteed by his stock. His enormous holdings in WorldCom stock gave the companys founder and longtime leader a motive to commit fraud to keep his personal wealth intact (Young 2005). If WorldCom had failed to hit its numbers, Ebbers was set to lose enormous sums of money. For example, Ebbers pledged vast holdings of WorldCom stock as collateral for loans to finance the purchase of his personal outside business interests. If WorldComs stock price fell substantially, the collateral would be of insufficient value to secure his loans, thus forcing margin calls that he could not meet (Zekany 2004). If the stock price dropped, Ebbers was set to lose millions because he would have to pay money he did not have, possibly pushing him into bankruptcy. Ebbers stood to lose his own personal investments if WorldComs stock price had dropped. To protect his accumulated wealth, Ebbers made the decision to commit fraud. At Enron, when it was doing well, many executives sold stock. It is now clear that they did this because they likely knew what would happen in the future. Stock sales by executives and even members of the board earned them gross proceeds in the hundreds of millions. For example, Ken Lay made $184,494,426 from the sales of Enron stock and Andy Fastow (the CEO) made $33,675,004 (Jensen 2003). Enron executives made millions, while shareholders lost everything. Executive compensation was grossly disproportionate to corporate results, and gave management the incentive to commit fraud (Guerra 2003). Executives at Enron and WorldCom held considerable wealth in their companies and stood to lose millions if the stock had depreciated. To preserve their enormous wealth, the executives deceived investors. 3.3 Why They Thought They Could Get Away With It TC "3.3 Why They Thought They Could Get Away With It" \f C \l "2"  3.3.1 The Board of Directors TC "3.3.1 The Board of Directors" \f C \l "3"  Many of Enrons problems originate from the decisions sanctioned by the board of directors (Brennan 2003). As Johnson suggests, Enrons board of directors was too quick to approve the financial practices that led Enron into bankruptcy (2002). The directors failed to demand more information, and to probe and understand the information. The board mainly just approved what was given to them and did not look to see if they were getting the whole picture. Why would the board be so lax? It was because the board had financial ties to Enron. For example, Robert Belfors Belco Oil & Gas Corp. bought a business unit from Enron with money Enron later used to help fund one of the partnerships. Belfor even made $111,941,200 from his gross sales of Enron stock (Jensen 2003). Directors also accepted pricey consulting contracts or contributions to favorite charities from Enron in addition to more than $70,000 a year for serving on the board (Johnson 2002). The board was also showered with perks, such as being picked up for board meetings by one of the companys private jets and meeting at posh resort like The Breakers in Palm Beach, Florida (Bryce 2002). The boards close financial ties to Enron were awarded by the management of Enron. This created a conflict of interest for Enrons board such that it did not have the incentive to question managements decisions because they would risk losing their financial perks. The story is similar at WorldCom, where the directors eventually paid $20.2 million out of their own pockets to settle a lawsuit related to the companys fraud (Young 2005). WorldComs board members approved nearly everything Ebbers suggested, mainly because they were not willing to confront him (Zekany 2004). BusinessWeek suspects this is because Ebbers showered them with perks. Half of WorldComs directors were associates of Ebbers and had large personal stakes in the company (Scheisel 2002, Stern 2002). Like Enron, WorldComs directors were so tied to management financially that they had little incentive to question managements decisions, for fear of losing their wealth. In addition, the boards wealth was tied to the stock and therefore it was in the boards interest to allow management to do whatever they wanted to keep the stock price up. The boards at Enron and WorldCom had close financial ties to the company and to management. These ties created a situation where directors did not want to question management or expose any possible problems. Because management had created this structure, they knew they could abuse it. Management knew that the directors would not question their decisions and therefore they exploited that. This close relationship between management and the board made management believe that they would not get caught or fired because the board would not investigate decisions aggressively. As a result, management believed there was a low probability that they would get caught committing fraud. 3.3.2 Auditors TC "3.3.2 Auditors" \f C \l "3"  Both Enron and WorldCom used Arthur Andersen as their external financial auditor. Unfortunately, both companies were also very close with their auditor because of their long history together and financial ties. For the industry as a whole, it was very rare that big accounting firms ditched clients. Dan Goldwasser, a lawyer with Vedder Price Kaufman & Kammolz said that There is almost no turnover among Fortune 50 companies and their accountants; they seem merged at the hip (Brown 2002). This was no different at Enron, where Andersen had been auditing Enrons financial statements since 1985. Enron was also one of Andersens biggest clients, netting Andersen over $50 million in fees in 2000 alone (Brown 2002). This close relationship gave Andersen the incentive to not report issues that it found, and it knew about the issues as early as 1999. Andersen executives held discussions about conflicts related to the partnerships and other problems that eventually led to Enrons collapse (Brown 2002). The firm knew about the problems and did nothing about them because of the cozy relationship between Enron and Andersen. Even as problems surfaced, Andersen tried to hide its involvement by shredding incriminating documents. David Duncan, former lead partner for Andersen on the Enron audit, pleaded guilty to obstruction of justice in connection with his involvement in the destruction of Enron-related documents. He said that On October 23, I instructed local people at Arthur Andersen to begin destroying documents, with the knowledge and intent that those documents would be unavailable to the SEC and others. I also personally destroyed such documents and knew they would be unavailable to the SEC. I accept that my conduct violated federal criminal law and am fully responsible (Jenkins 2003). The cozy relationship between Arthur Andersen and its clients Enron and WorldCom gave Andersen the incentive to keep its mouth shut about problems. Management was able to exploit this problem and get its auditors to agree to the fraud it was committing. Because of the close relationship between auditor and company, management was under the impression (rightly) that their auditors would not report their fraud. 3.3.3 Disclosure TC "3.3.3 Disclosure" \f C \l "3"  The complexity of financial accounting and disclosure rules allowed management to commit fraud with the thought that it was hidden from the eyes of others. This problem made management believe that it would not get caught. Accounting is supposed to be based on the principle that if it looks like it, then it should be recognized as such. For example, a lease should be recorded as a purchase if at the end of the lease the company will own the asset. However, this ambiguity has caused a need for further defined rules. Rules have then been created to define previously ambiguous issues. Companies try to follow the rules, but often also try to find loopholes to get around reporting something that will hurt the financial statements since management is often focused on meeting the numbers. In regard to partnerships, there only it needs to be 3% of outside financing for a company to exclude the venture from its financial statements (Hirsch 2001). Finding loopholes such as this was the case with Enron and WorldCom. However, these companies went too far in their treatment of some transactions, such that they filed them illegally and attempted to deceive investors. Enron was able to hide much of its debt off of its balance sheet because of how it interpreted the accounting rules. Because the rules associated with disclosing partnerships and joint ventures are murky, it allows for a level of interpretation. Enron used this to its advantage to interpret transactions such as special purpose entities and related part transactions such that they did not have to record debt or losses. Ideally, this would not be a problem because analysts should recognize how they recorded these transactions when they examine the financial statements closely. However, the rules for disclosure of related party transactions and special purpose entities are fairly low. Because there is a lack of disclosure analysts are often unable to unearth possible issues within corporations. The level of transparency within the financial statements is derived from a lack of full disclosure. Management at Enron and WorldCom exploited the complexity and lack of disclosure by hiding their problems. In addition, because of the lack of disclosure, management felt that they could hide their problems sufficiently to prevent them from getting caught committing fraud. 3.3.4 Low Occurrence of Past Scandals and Mild Consequences TC "3.3.4 Low Occurrence of Past Scandals and Mild Consequences" \f C \l "3"  In the United States, white collar crime has a history of being infrequently prosecuted and when it is prosecuted the consequences have often been minimal. Even if they get caught, by the time they are indicted it is likely that they can stash many of their illegal profits away in offshore bank accounts or other investments. Thus, even when caught, these criminals can still make out with a fortune (Jensen 2005). In the 10 year period from 1992 to 2001, very few criminal cases were filed for white collar crime, and of those cases, very few people even went to jail. In this time period, the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) only pressed criminal charges 609 times, of which the U.S. Attorney disposed of 525, leaving 187 to be prosecuted. Of those prosecuted, only 142 were found guilty, but only 87 of those 142 spent even a day in jail (Leaf 2002). And those that spent time in jail mainly spent the time in low-security prisons which are about two steps down the comfort ladder from Motel 6 (Leaf 2002). The message is clear, white collar crime is not a high priority and nor will it be punished as such. It is understandable from a prosecutors point of view where there is little payoff in terms of political impact and they could prosecute around eight burglaries or drug cases in the time it takes to prosecute one white collar crime (Leaf 2002). This message was further represented by regulatory changes in 1994 and 1995 which limited securities regulation, mainly the Private Securities Litigation Reform Act of 1995. The act limited the statute-of-limitations period for filing lawsuits, restricted legal fees paid to plaintiffs, eliminated punitive-damages provisions from securities lawsuits and exempted forward looking statements from legal liability (Partnoy 2003). By exempting forward looking statements from legal liability, the corporation is no longer responsible what it tells investors is likely to happen in the future; it can be taken as far as giving corporations the legal grounds to lie to investors. The changes in regulation sent the message to CEOs that they are unlikely to be punished for earnings management, that prosecutors will rarely go after financial fraud and that the punishment will often just be a small fine (Partnoy 2003). By looking at recent history, executives could see the U.S. did not put white collar crime as a high priority. The executives saw very few people prosecuted and it looked as though that would continue. In addition, they saw punishments ranging from as small as apologies to only a few months in jail. While the consequences also included losing some money in the form of future compensation and loss of stock, the total consequences just did not look significant. Due the low level of prosecution and punishment of white collar crime in the ten years leading to the Enron scandal, executives in the U.S. perceived the probability of getting caught or punished for committing fraud as extremely low. 4. The Decision to Commit Fraud TC "4. The Decision to Commit Fraud" \f C \l "1"  From the examination of both the Enron and WorldCom cases of corporate fraud it is easier to understand what decisions a manager faced. By generalizing these issues, it is apparent that an executive at a publicly traded company facing what they consider a short-term problem faces a series of decisions. First, they face the decision to disclose this information to investors or hide the problems (effectively committing fraud). If they decided to disclose the information at this point, the game ends with a loss of A. If instead they choose to commit fraud, they face a new decision, whether to continue committing fraud or to stop and disclose the problem. If the manager decides not to continue, then again, the game again ends, but with a loss of B. However, if they decide to continue to commit fraud they face a level of uncertainty. They may be caught and punished (probability of P), or the fraud will never be discovered and the company will return to profitability (probability of 1-P). If the manager is caught committing fraud, they receive a loss of C, but if they are not then the manager receives a payoff of D. This is modeled as such:  4.1 Pre-SOA Model TC "4.1 Pre-SOA Model" \f C \l "2"  For the case of a manager running a company in the time before the Sarbanes-Oxley Act, A represents a significant loss of stock market value, while B represents a more significant loss of stock market value, as well as having to admit to some form of earnings management. C also represents a significant loss of stock market value, with the possibility of getting fired or prosecuted. D represents continued growth of the stock price, as well as additional bonuses and an improved reputation for the manager. However, the probability and consequences of getting caught vary depending on the structure of the corporation and how the manager perceives them relative to each other. There is a reasonable distribution of managers choices about committing fraud. This is evident in the fact that not all managers choose to commit fraud. Some will decide to commit fraud, some will not take the risk and others are somewhere in between. A managers choice not to commit fraud reveals that the manager views the consequences and probability of getting caught as high enough to prevent them from taking the risk. This manager would view the expected value of continuing to commit fraud as worse than that of immediately disclosing the problem or committing fraud once and would choose not to commit fraud. On the other had, a managers choice to commit fraud reveals exactly the opposite, that they view the consequences and probability of getting caught as low enough to take the risk. In this case, the manager views the expected value of continuing to commit fraud as better than any other choice. A manager may view the probability and consequences as low because they have created a similar structure to Enron or WorldComs in their own corporation. The expected value of continuing to commit fraud depends on the probability and consequences of getting caught. Thus, the choice of whether to commit fraud can be broken down into how the particular manager views the probability and magnitudes of the consequences of getting caught committing fraud. The magnitudes of the payoffs are viewed relative to each other. For the manager that chooses to commit fraud, A represents a loss of a low scale because they lose stock market value and are not suspected of any wrongdoing, unlike B or C. B and C are both a loss of medium because they represent a more significant loss of stock market value, as well as the added possibility of getting prosecuted or fired. Since the recent history fraud prosecution has been minimal and the manager has close ties to the board of directors, the manager views the likelihood of being prosecuted or fired as very small. The manager views D as having a high payoff because not only does the manager receive continued growth of the stock price, additional bonuses and an improved reputation, but also the manager avoided the reduced stock market value that would have occurred by admitting the problem in the first place. The manager also views the probability of getting caught (P) as extremely low because of the managers relationship with the board, the complexity of the financial and disclosure laws, the companys relationship with its financial auditors and the recent history of the companies reported for criminal activity. The fact that B is a greater loss than A highlights the issue that once the manager commits fraud the first time, if the problem does not fix itself, it is likely in the managers best interest to continue with the fraud in hopes that the problem will fix itself before they are caught. This creates a sort of black hole effect, where once fraud is committed; it is very difficult to stop. For the manager that chooses to commit fraud the expected value of committing fraud over a period of time is EMBED Equation.3 . Since p is extremely low, then the loss resulting from an extremely low chance that a medium loss will occur is likely to be better than or equal to a low loss; meaning that EMBED Equation.3 . In addition, the extremely high chance that a high payoff will occur results in a payoff with is greater than zero; meaning that EMBED Equation.3 . As a result, the expected value of committing fraud over a period of time (EV) is better than -low. The perceived expected payoffs for the managers are then: A = Not commit fraud = -low B = Commit fraud once then disclose = -med EVC +D = Commit fraud over a period of time > -low Thus, the perceived expected payoff of choosing to commit fraud over a period of time is better than that of not committing fraud or just committing fraud once then disclosing it (payoff of committing fraud over time > -low = payoff of not committing fraud). Faced with these decisions and a structure similar to that of Enron or WorldComs, a manager will likely make the decision to commit fraud, while managers without this structure likely would not. 4.2 The Sarbanes-Oxley Act TC "4.2 The Sarbanes-Oxley Act" \f C \l "2"  In response to a slue of corporate governance scandals including both Enron and WorldCom, the United States Senate passed the Sarbanes-Oxley Act (SOA) in 2002. While the act contains many new rules, a few have a significant effect on the structure of U.S. corporate governance. Specifically, the act tries to improve the performance of financial auditors and directors, increase the chance of detecting fraudulent activity, increase consequences, and strengthen the enforcement of securities laws. Sarbanes-Oxley specifically targeted the accounting industry, making the effort to remove some conflicts of interests and improve accountability. The SOA created the Public Company Accounting Oversight Board (PCAOB) to monitor the accounting companies and to further enforce accounting standards (Petruno 2003). In addition, the SOA banned the auditing firms from selling lucrative non-auditing services to their corporate accounting clients (Petruno 2003). The PCAOB is designed to make accounting firms more accountable, making them more likely to do a better job auditing. The ban on selling non-auditing services is designed to remove the conflict of interest that was so prevalent in the Enron and WorldCom scandals. As a result, the chance that the auditing company will catch and report accounting problems has increased significantly. The board of directors and the boards audit committee were also targeted by Sarbanes-Oxley. By defining the role of directors more clearly and increasing the accountability of directors, the SOA should have the effect of making board members more inquisitive. In addition, the SOA reworked the relationship between the financial auditors and the boards audit committee. The goal is to have the accountants go directly to the audit committee if they believe management is not using the accounting properly (Petruno 2003). In addition, the new requirement for who can sit on the board is focused on increasing the independence of directors. Overall, the SOAs goal with the board was to remove conflicts of interests and give the board more of an incentive and ability to critique managements decisions. If the board has more incentive to critique managements decisions, it is less likely that the board will allow management to get away with bad decisions. As a result of Sarbanes-Oxley, management is much more accountable for their actions. The SOA implemented a requirement that the CEO and CFO of the company must certify their companies quarterly and annual financial statements. This must contain a statement of managements responsibility to establish and maintain adequate internal controls, assess financial reporting, and disclose any material weaknesses in a companys internal controls structure (Volcker 2004). This should accomplish two goals. First, it will require companies to improve internal controls over their financial statements, which should increase the chance of detecting fraudulent financial reporting (Donaldson 2003). This should also make management accountable for providing accurate information on the financial statements. By increasing managements accountability, the consequences for getting caught committing fraud escalate significantly. To increase the effectiveness of the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC), Sarbanes-Oxley drastically increased the SECs budget. In 2003, the SECs budget grew 47% and will continue to grow (Petruno 2003). By increasing the budget of the SEC, it should increase the oversight of public companies and increase the chances the companies will get caught if they commit fraud. 4.3 Post-SOA Model TC "4.3 Post-SOA Model" \f C \l "2"  For the case of a manager running a company after Sarbanes-Oxley Act was passed, the decision tree has not changed. In addition, the SOA has not altered the consequences or magnitudes of A or B because the manager still faces the consequence of losing stock market value if they choose not to disclose the problem immediately. The magnitude of D has not changed as well because the manager still gets all the benefits of a well-performing stock price. However, Sarbanes-Oxley has significantly altered both the consequences of getting caught continuing to commit fraud and the probability of getting caught. The Sarbanes-Oxley Act increased the consequences for committing fraud by making the manager more accountable for the financial statements. Now, the manager will not only lose significant wealth but the consequences include the significant possibility of jail time and hefty fines. As a result of these changes, managers may now view the consequences of getting caught committing fraud as significantly higher. In addition, a manager may also view the probability that they will get caught committing fraud (P) as much greater because of recent trials and the changes from the SOA. Since the Enron and WorldCom executives have recently been found guilty, the manager now sees a recent history of companies getting caught, which has increased their perception of their chances of getting caught. Most importantly, the SOA has changed the structure of the game. The managers ability to hide problems has been significantly reduced because the SOA increased the effectiveness of both the auditors and the board of directors, improved internal controls, and increased the ability of the SEC to regulate. As a result, many managers that chose to commit fraud before may now perceive the probability that they will get caught as significantly higher. The Sarbanes-Oxley Act has significantly increased both the probability and the consequences of getting caught continuing to commit fraud. This will alter some managers decision to commit fraud. Managers who made the choice not to commit fraud before will continue to make this choice. However, some managers who chose to commit fraud before may now view the probability and consequences of getting caught as so significantly greater than before that they will now choose not to commit fraud. For those managers, the expected value of continuing to commit fraud will be worse than that of any other choice. Thus, they will decide that it is now not worth the risk to commit fraud. In this way, the Sarbanes-Oxley Act will be successful in reducing the number of managers who make the decision to commit fraud. 5. Conclusion TC "5. Conclusion" \f C \l "1"  Through the cases of Enron and WorldCom, it became clear that the United States corporate governance system needed improvement because it gave some managers the ability and incentive to commit fraud. In those cases, management believed they could fix their companys problems and avoid any market consequences by deceiving investors. They believed they could get away with fraud because of their close relationship with their boards of directors and auditors, in addition to the complexity of the accounting system. The U.S. model of corporate governance is not completely flawed though, since many mangers still chose not to commit fraud. However, the problems highlighted in this paper are significant enough that they needed to be dealt with. The U.S. Congress stepped in to help in 2002. The passing of the Sarbanes-Oxley Act changed the structure of the game enough so that many managers will no longer have such close relationships with their boards and auditors, and it drastically increased the monitoring and consequences for corporate fraud. As a result, many managers will now view the consequences and probability of getting caught continuing to commit fraud as too high to take the risk. Therefore, the Sarbanes-Oxley Act should be effective in reducing corporate fraud. However, it is not a total fix, but nevertheless a short-term step in the right direction. In the long-term, there is still an underlying issue that Sarbanes-Oxley does not completely address: the complexity and rules of the disclosure system. While the U.S. accounting system is arguably more effective than systems in other countries, it still does not require enough disclosure, allowing the exploitation of financial reporting. Enterprising managers can still hide problems within or even off the financial statements. Therefore, the biggest step for improving corporate governance would be to increase the required level of disclosure in the financial statements. This would make it nearly impossible to hide problems within the financial statements. In the model, this could increase the probability of getting caught committing fraud to nearly 100 percent. 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Sternberg, Elaine. Corporate Governance: Accountability in the Marketplace. The Institute of Economic Affairs: 2004. Stiglitz, Joseph. Incentives and Risk Sharing in Sharecropping. The Review of Economic Studies, Vol. 41, Issue 2: Apr. 1974. Vives, Xavier. Corporate Governance. Cambridge University Press: 2000. Volcker, Paul and Arthur Levitt Jr. In Defense of Sarbanes-Oxley. Wall Street Journal, Jun. 14, 2004. Young, Shawn. Ex-WorldCom Directors Reach Pact. The Wall Street Journal, Mar. 21, 2005. Young, Shawn and Almar Latour. Ebbers Feels Pinch on Finances. The Wall Street Journal, Feb. 23, 2005. Zekany, Kay, Lucas Braun and Zachary Warder. Behind Closed Doors at WorldCom: 2001. Issues in Accounting Education, Vol. 19, No. 1: Feb 2004. Appendix A TC "Appendix A" \f C \l "1"   EMBED PhotoshopElements.Image.2 \s  Appendix B TC "Appendix B" \f C \l "1"  Enron's Cast of Characters and Their Stock SalesNAMEPOSITION AT ENRONSHARES SOLDGROSS PROCEEDSJ. Clifford BaxterVice-Chairman619,898$34,734,854Robert BelferMember of Board of Directors2,065,137$111,941,200Norman BlakeMember of Board of Directors21,200$1,705,328Rick BuyChief Risk Officer140,234$10,656,595Rick CauseyChief Accounting Officer208,940$13,386,896Ronnie ChanMember of Board of Directors8,000$337,200James DerrickGeneral Counsel230,660$12,563,928John DuncanMember of Board of Directors35,000$2,009,700Andy FastowChief Financial Officer687,445$33,675,004Joe FoyMember of Board of Directors38,160$1,639,590Mark FrevertChief Executive Office, Enron Europe986,898$54,831,220Wendy GrammMember of Board of Directors10,328$278,892Kevin HannonPresident, Enron Broadband ServicesUnknownUnknownKen HarrisonMember of Board of Directors1,011,436$75,416,636Joe HirkoCEO, Enron Communications473,837$35,168,721Stan HortonCEO, Enron Transportation830,444$47,371,361Robert JaedickeMember of Board of Directors13,360$841,438Steve KeanExecutive Vice President, Chief of Staff64,932$5,166,414Mark KoenigExecutive Vice President129,153$9,110,466Ken LayChairman, Enron Corp.4,002,259$184,494.426Charles LeMaistreMember of Board of Directors17,344$841,768Rebecca MarkChief Executive Officer, Azurix1,895,631$82,536,737Michael McConnellExecutive Vice President32,960$2,506,311Jeff McMahonTreasurer39,630$2,739,226Cindy OlsonExecutive Vice President83,183$6,505,870Lou PaiCEO, Enron Energy Services3,912,205$270,276,065Ken RiceCEO, Enron Broadband Services1,234,009$76,825,145Jeffrey SkillingChief Executive Officer, Enron Corp.1,307,678$70,687,199Joe SuttonVice-Chairman688,996$42,231,283Greg WhalleyChief Operating Officer, Enron Corp.UnknownUnknownTOTALS20,788,957$1,190,479,472*All listed sales occurred between October 19, 1998 and November 27, 2001. The number shown under gross proceeds indicates the number of shares times the price of Enron stock on the day the shares were sold. It does not reflect any costs the Enron officials incurred in exercising the sale of the stock. Therefore, the net proceeds to the listed individuals is likely less than the amount shown. SOURCES: Mark Newby, et al. vs. Enron Corp., et al., Securities and Exchange Commission filings, Congressional testimony, Enron Corp. press releases.  Leverage refers to the ratio of debt to assets. The more debt relative to assets, the riskier the business becomes.  Hostile takeovers occur when someone believes a company is underperforming and decides to buy enough shares to take control of the company. Then they often appoint new management to run the company better. By buying shares at a low price, then improving the company and selling shares a person can make great money.  The SPE had to be controlled by an independent party and at least 3% of the equity had to be from outside parties.  The process of combining the operations and systems of the merged companies.  See Appendix B for more examples  A group within the board that has the responsibility to make sure financial statements are accurate.  The nations primary regulator of public companies and markets     PAGE 35 PAGE  PAGE 1  "(:;JKVabtu}~򵼮yhyyZyhhQf5mHnHu jhQfUmHnHujhQfUmHnHuhQfmHnHuhhQf5:mHnHu h$?%:jh$?%:U h:5: h5: h>{5:hJ(5:CJ aJ hSc5:CJ aJ h%5:CJ aJ h!@hD5:CJ aJ hD5: hhD  ;<=>?@ABCDEFGH $da$gdD$a$gdDgdD $da$gdX $da$gdOM033HIJKVbt% \ 3 n 7 h  O  $  $  $ dgd}&+ $da$gd>{gd>{$a$gdD   ! 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